Politics of Nature -How to bring the sciences into democracy
Scholars in environmental studies will find this book useful, While Latour's project is far-reaching and admittedly idealistic, it raises interesting questions and seeks to engender public deliberation about ecological issues, including how the environmental movement should proceed in the coming critical decades. Rhetorical scholars interested in linguistic representations of nature, the discursive construction of reality and culture, and the interplay of the technical and public spheres also will find this book useful.
It is well-written, extensively researched, positive in tone, and enjoyable to read. Gerber Argumentation and Advocacy Since political ecology does not yet exist conceptually, Latour's project is best understood as the act of its production Multiculturalism and, more recently, multinaturalism make it possible for politics and the sciences to work together today to articulate the common world in radically new ways.
His argument is motivated by a concern that humanity might miss the current moment, might refuse to slow down enough to reflect on its possible futures, and might instead rush from twentieth-century totalitarianism to twenty-first-century globalization. According to Latour,.
Political Ecology! Summary of the Argument for Readers in a Hurry Glossary Notes Bibliography Index.
- Politics of Nature: How to Bring the Sciences Into Democracy?
- The colonization of environmental issues?
- The changing nature of environmental expertise.
- Discussion of Latour's articles incl. 'When Things Strike Back'?
- Divine Beauty: The Aesthetics of Charles Hartshorne.
- Politics of Nature - Wikipedia?
- The Cavalry Maiden: Journals of a Female Russian Officer in the Napoleonic Wars.
Du kanske gillar. Down to Earth Bruno Latour Inbunden.
Spara som favorit. Skickas inom vardagar. A major work by one of the more innovative thinkers of our time, Politics of Nature does nothing less than establish the conceptual context for political ecology--transplanting the terms of ecology into more fertile philosophical soil than its proponents have thus far envisioned.
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Bruno Latour announces his project dramatically: "Political ecology has nothing whatsoever to do with nature, this jumble of Greek philosophy, French Cartesianism and American parks. Thus, his book proposes an end to the old dichotomy between nature and society--and the constitution, in its place, of a collective, a community incorporating humans and nonhumans and building on the experiences of the sciences as they are actually practiced.
In a critique of the distinction between fact and value, Latour suggests a redescription of the type of political philosophy implicated in such a "commonsense" division--which here reveals itself as distinctly uncommonsensical and in fact fatal to democracy and to a healthy development of the sciences.
It would then become evident that collective organization forms the foundation of human habitats. The city, even in its most privatized form, always relies on common agreements, infrastructural networks, and public facilities that enable the sharing of resources and common goods, meant to be distributed equally among citizens.
Politics of Nature -How to bring the sciences into democracy | arinpospu.tk
According to Latour, collectives have a significant role to play in reassembling a world that has been divided into matters of fact science and matters of concern politics. When we recognize buildings, traffic networks, and sewage systems as agents that determine how we can live together, we also frame in fact collectivity as a cross-disciplinary project connecting social studies, political economies, and technological sciences with urban planning.
Urban form affects collective organization in two different ways—as an operational logic for the management of our everyday environment and at the same time as a political body.
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This relationship is all the more manifest in the erection of new settlements on uninhabited land; the planning and building of new towns is most efficient when their physical structures and social visions correspond. The Kibbutz was modeled after the utopian communities of Robert Owen, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Charles Fourier and Edmund Spenser, a group of social reformers who believed that utopian thinking could serve as a driver for social change.
The sequence of associative images from the capital Pyonyang depicts the inner logic of the North Korean regime and its symbolic legitimization. However, the indoctrinatory practices apparent in dictatorships and even religious fundamentalism are also to be found in advanced democracies operating in the neoliberal market system.
Different collective beliefs are here similarly conditioned by symbolic manifestations and celebrations and the commodification of power. Collective organizations can be both exclusive and inclusive, because collectivity and identity always form a complex that is responsible for both the spread of ideologies and the negotiation of common interests between multiple entities.
As the reproduction of society depends on the middle class, De Angelis proposes a new kind of commoning based on social values other than those dominated by private capital.
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