In response, Gandhi fashioned the tools that would win India freedom—non-cooperation and civil disobedience.
Peoples' Contribution in the Struggle for Pakistan: A Case Study of Sindh
Even more ingeniously, he changed the goalpost by tethering the Indian freedom movement to the pan-Islamic movement that demanded, despite the destruction of the Ottoman Empire in WW1, that the mosques in Mecca and Medina remain under the control of the Caliph of Islam. This was in alignment with the goal of Hindu-Muslim unity which was one of the top three obsessions in his life, along with the reform of Hinduism and the termination of British rule.
The result was an unprecedented mobilization cutting across religious lines. By conflating the Indian cause with the cause of Islam, Gandhi had radically changed the tenor of the freedom movement, and become its unquestioned leader.
Thousands of Indians gave up their jobs, lakhs of rupees were collected from the public, and Gandhi promised swaraj in a year. In December , the new viceroy, Rufus Daniel Isaacs, was rattled enough to offer talks on dominion status.
Gandhi chose to reject the offer. In isolation, neither decision of Gandhi—to unconditionally provide service to the Raj in WW1 and to reject an offer to discuss dominion status—makes game theoretic sense. If Gandhi felt that the recruitment of Indian volunteers was of value to the British, he could have used this to press for concessions before providing the desired benefit.
With an unconditional commitment, it was only to be expected that the British would not deliver on their end of the bargain. He wanted to change the British from within, not coerce them. His commitment to their cause allowed him to seize the ethical high ground and justify his radical step of non-cooperation following their betrayal of trust. Gandhi was opposed on both the recruitment drive and the declining of the Isaacs offer by Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
Jinnah, presciently, had no faith in the British propensity to respect ethical niceties. He was also opposed to mixing religion and politics and joined the Khilafat movement only to avoid being entirely sidelined from Muslim politics. The Khilafat movement ran aground when Gandhi withdrew from it following an incident of violence at Chauri Chaura in February According to Siddiqui:.
Ethnic amelioration is possible if a government exists and functions on principles of consociationalism and power-sharing.
Sindhis and Mohajirs - Minority Rights Group
If the government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto managed to mould Pakistani nationalism into a more inclusive narrative, the process went hand in hand with tighter repression of subversive discourses. The government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto shifted the limits between the acceptable and the subversive, but this strengthened the need to suppress the subversive.
The distinction between state and government thus seems of limited heuristic value, since it neither serves as a basis for a generalization nor entails a proper sociology of the state, which would yield sharper conclusions. That nationalism relies on means of propagation other than print 3 —which is not a novel idea see Chatterjee 73 —leads Ayres to turn to Punjabi cinema to show how Punjabi popular culture tried to reverse a sense of inferiority.
The simple categorization of Sindh and Balochistan as rural and tribal overlooks the complex relations between rural and urban areas, as a result of which the changes in urban lifestyles significantly impact rural social structures. Incidentally, students and educated men with a rural background are often also highly politicised, and at the forefront of nationalist movements. But taking for granted that Sindh, Balochistan and Mohajirs are already formed nations, or ethnic groups, leads him to miss an important element: that nation-formation is a performative process. Thus, understanding the politics of ethnicity requires looking into the claims to nationhood that ethno-national groups put forward on the basis of historical revisionism and the mobilisation of symbolism, a process certainly not pursued uniformly by all members of ethnic groups.
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But as Siddiqui notes, ethnic organisations and their leaders are subject to co-optation by the state, moulding the official standpoint of political organisations over time. A close study of the evolution of the stances of various ethnic political organisations is thus necessary to understand their relation to the state, as well as to show the conditions under which factions unite or fight one another.
But acknowledging that these organisations only claim to speak in the name of the whole ethnic group does not inform us about how others, say persons not affiliated with any organisation, stand in relation to such parties or understand their own identity. Ayres overlooks the cultural hegemony that nationalism imposes on the population that nationalists claim to speak for—as well as the internal resistance that this hegemony may encounter from those it excludes.
For instance, one may wonder how Siraiki speakers residing in Punjab feel regarding the Punjabiyat movement or what the reactions of people from various strata of Punjabi society may be. Ayres provides a general framework to describe how nationalism creates oppositions according to a modular pattern.
Alyssa Ayres brings to the fore a little known movement and has the merit of studying new material. It would also have allowed him to pay more attention to socio-economic conditions or to the cultural content of ethno-nationalist discourses, factors that the focus on the state and the government leads him to ignore.
India, 70 years on from independence: a painful history but a bright future? | Letters
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Thematic Chronology of Mass Violence in Pakistan, 1947-2007
Plan State nationalism and cultural diversity. Questioning the dominant theory of nationalism.
Intra-ethnic conflict and cultural hegemony.
Related CONTRIBUTION OF SINDH IN MOVEMENT OF INDEPENDENCE OF INDIA
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